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The Prime Minister of Solomon Islands has recently gone on a home-building spree, constructing eight valuable new houses in and around the capital city of Honiara.

KEY POINTS:

  • Despite earning a modest salary, Prime Minister Manasseh Sogavare has in recent years rapidly expanded his real estate holdings, building at least eight new houses on three sites in and around Honiara.
  • Real estate experts said the houses would have cost at least $1.7 million to build, and perhaps as much as $3.2 million.
  • Financial experts said the value of the houses appears out of proportion with Sogavare’s known income. Some of the construction appears to have been funded by three separate mortgages granted on a single day in 2018, worth a total of over 7 million Solomon Islands dollars (over $900,000). Financial experts said Sogavare’s known income at the time was too low to typically be granted such loans — raising questions about how he obtained them.

By Aubrey Belford (OCCRP), Dan McGarry (OCCRP), Ofani Eremae (In-Depth Solomons), Charley Piringi (In-Depth Solomons), Gina Maka’a (In-Depth Solomons), and Ronald Toito’ona (In-Depth Solomons)

Manasseh Sogavare, the four-time prime minister of Solomon Islands, speaks proudly of his humble origins as a school dropout who once earned a living cleaning toilets and making tea for British colonial officials.

The 69-year-old premier is modestly paid by the standard of world leaders, even after he received a 39-percent pay bump this month that raised his annual salary to 428,560 Solomon Islands dollars, or SBD (around US$50,000).

Solomon Islands Prime Minister, Manasseh Sogavare
Solomon Islands Prime Minister Manasseh Sogavare. [[Photo credit: Dan McGarry/OCCRP]]

That relatively low paycheck, however, hasn’t stopped Sogavare and his wife, Emmy, from securing large loans and massively increasing their real estate wealth over the past several years, an investigation by OCCRP and In-Depth Solomons has found.

The couple have builtat least eight new houses on land they already owned in and around the capital, Honiara, reporters found. The construction costs are estimated to run as high as several million U.S. dollars.

One of the houses, a large, multi-story home in the hillside suburb of Tasahe, serves as the couple’s current residence. Other holdings include what are, by local standards, high-end rental properties in the neighborhoods of Lungga and Henderson, located near the Honiara airport.

[[Credit: Edin Pašović/OCCRP]]

Altogether, the houses are believed to have cost the Sogavares between SBD 14 million and SBD 26 million ($1.7 million and $3.2 million) to build, according to local property appraisers who reviewed land and mortgage records, satellite images, and drone photos provided by reporters. The estimates do not include additional costs, such as interior furnishings or landscaping.

The value of the properties appears out of proportion with Sogavare’s known earnings. The size and scale of the houses themselves also stand in stark contrast to the living conditions of most Honiara residents, who pay sky-high prices to live in often ramshackle and overcrowded housing.

With Sogavare seeking to secure a fifth prime ministerial term in key elections on April 17, anti-corruption experts say his fast-growing real estate portfolio — as well as the large loans he obtained to finance it — deserves closer scrutiny.

“He needs to explain to the people: Where did he get all this money from?” said Ruth Liloqula, who heads the Solomon Islands chapter of Transparency International.

Sogavare did not respond to questions from OCCRP and In-Depth Solomons.

“On a PM’s Salary? Definitely Not”

Located at the end of a secluded road overlooking the Ironbottom Sound, the Sogavares’ Tasahe home is still not widely known to the public.

The Tasahe property. [[Photo credit: Aubrey Belford/OCCRP]]

The house is situated on over 1,200 square meters of state land leased by the prime minister and his wife in 2007 but left empty for about a decade. While it’s not clear precisely when construction began, satellite imagery shows that the land went from being completely vacant in early 2017 to containing a completed structure by May 2019.

While the state-owned land it stands on cost relatively little, property valuers estimate the house itself cost between SBD 6 million and 10 million ($720,000 and $1.2 million) to build.

According to neighbors and real estate agents, the home was initially rented out to tenants. Financial records obtained by reporters show that by 2020, the Sogavares were receiving SBD 35,000 ($4,130) a month in rent.

The couple eventually moved into the home themselves after their existing residence — a plot of land in Lungga containing two houses — was damaged after it was targeted in 2021 by rioters opposed to Sogavare’s government. One house was ransacked in the incident; the other was burned to the ground.

When the Sogavares moved to Tasahe, construction crews descended on the Lungga site, demolishing the remaining structures and rapidly building three large new homes in their place.

The three newly constructed homes on the Lungga site. [[Photo Credit: Aubrey Belford/OCCRP]]

The Sogavares have also built homes at their Henderson property, which contained just one small house when they purchased the land in 2015.

Satellite images and drone photos show the plot being developed in stages, with two large houses erected sometime between early 2017 and early 2019. By April 2020, a third house had appeared, and a fourth smaller structure was added sometime in 2023. All four houses appear to be rental properties.

The Henderson property. [[Photo credit: Aubrey Belford/OCCRP]]

Accustomed to the usually sleepy pace of work in Solomon Islands, neighbors told reporters that they were stunned at the speed with which the new houses were built.

“Those of us living around here were so surprised to see three buildings completed in just less than a year, something a Solomon Islander normally couldn’t do,” said Rose Kairi, who watched the Lungga construction work from her home nearby.

Kairi said she saw trucks driven by what appeared to be Chinese workers drop construction materials at the site. Those carrying out the construction were mostly locals, she said.

Rick Houenipwela, himself a former prime minister who served directly before Sogavare’s most recent term, also lives close to the three new houses in Lungga.

Houenipwela’s own home is a sprawling structure cobbled together from typical local construction materials like gyprock, wood, and concrete blocks. He told reporters his own renovations had taken place at a pace typical of Solomon Islands: in fits and starts.

The Sogavares, he said, appeared to suffer from neither delays nor a shortage of money.

“The machines actually were just stationed there… Sometimes they would have work at night,” Houenipwela said.

“It was really quick by our standards,” he added. “And the standard definitely is high, good work. The material, of course, is of quality standard.”

While prime minister, Houenipwela drew on official income and benefits similar to Sogavare’s. He told reporters he had struggled to pay for his own home improvements, and did not understand how his successor could afford his own far more ambitious construction projects.

“On a PM’s salary? Definitely not.”

A History of Real Estate Controversies

This is not the first time the Sogavares’ real estate dealings have come into question. 

In 2007, during Manasseh Sogavare’s second prime ministerial term, the couple raised eyebrows with the original purchase of the Lungga property.

The sale was made with the help of a SBD 2.5 million (about $350,000) mortgage from Australia’s ANZ bank — supported by a letter from the Embassy of Taiwan, in which the country’s government guaranteed that it would rent the property. Sogavare was a staunch ally of Taiwan at the time.

The loan and the Lungga purchase drew criticism from lawmakers, who accused him of exploiting his relationship with a foreign government for personal gain.

Sogavare defended himself, saying: “I do not see any law in this country that says once you become a prime minister you are not allowed to go to the bank and get a loan.”

“Taiwan came and said it is going to have a long term tenancy agreement with us,” he added. “Taiwan wanted to rent those two houses. What is wrong with that?”

Members of parliament, including those within his own governing majority, saw it differently. Sogavare was removed in a vote of no confidence later that year, in part due to the uproar over the land deal.

Another controversy swirled with the purchase of the Henderson land in 2015, after Sogavare had returned to serve a third term as prime minister. He and his wife bought the land, which satellite images at the time showed to contain a small dwelling, for SBD 1.5 million (about $190,000).

Questioned in parliament, Sogavare said he had obtained another loan to purchase the Henderson plot. “I wish I had 1.5 million,” Sogavare said at the time.

Land registry documents typically list all mortgages taken out against a property. However, reporters were unable to find any record there showing that Sogavare took out such a loan for Henderson at the time.

An Expensive Building Boom 

While the land-purchase deals drew concerns, it has been the past six years that have seen the most dramatic expansion in the Sogavares’ real estate wealth.

In 2018, Sogavare’s lending relationship with Australia’s ANZ Bank — which had provided the mortgage for the Lungga purchase, as well as other smaller loans — ended for unclear reasons. He moved his business across to the French-owned BRED Bank, which on a single day in 2018 granted the politician and his wife three separate, and much larger mortgages worth SBD 7,161,590 ($916,688).

The loans were secured against the properties the couple had acquired in 2007 and 2015, as well as an older, more modest family home in the neighborhood of Vura.

The Vura property. [[Photo credit: Dan McGarry/OCCRP]]

There was just one problem, according to financial experts: The couple likely would not have been able to afford the loans at the time.

Manasseh Sogavare, despite his political longevity, has never served consecutive posts as prime minister in the rough-and-tumble world of Solomon Island politics. At the time BRED agreed to grant him the loans, he was serving as deputy prime minister, earning an annual government salary of just SBD 169,230 (around US$21,000), as well as a housing allowance of up to SBD 240,000 a year (roughly $30,000).

Nor did the couple have any other substantial sources of income. Company registry documents show the Sogavares had no declared business interests at the time.

That would have left the couple far short of the roughly SBD 824,000 (about $104,000) in mortgage repayments they would have owed each year (if calculated according to the central bank’s lending rate at the time, 10.7 percent, and paid out over BRED Solomon’s maximum available term of 25 years.)

Financial experts interviewed by OCCRP and In-Depth Solomons said such a shortfall would normally prompt a bank to turn the Sogavares away.

“Based on Sogavare’s income as deputy PM, it doesn’t look like that he’d be able to service that original loan just on his income alone,” said Matt Fehon, a Sydney-based forensic accountant. “There would have to be other sources.”

By 2019, Manasseh Sogavare had returned to the prime ministerial post for his current fourth term, providing a small boost to his salary. Emmy Sogavare soon launched a cafe business that made a modest income. Financial records show the couple also began renting out their former home in Vura for SBD 11,000 ($1,340) a month.

But even with those gains, the Sogavares’ earnings would still have been swallowed by mortgage payments.

[[Photo credit: Edin Pašović/OCCRP]]

Fehon said BRED Bank may have given the Sogavares a reduced interest rate or allowed them to defer repayments while they built their rental properties. The Sogavares may have also had a third party guaranteeing their loan, he said.

But such special treatment would be risky, and most international banks would have avoided issuing the loans altogether, Fehon said.

“The fact that the individuals are politically exposed persons, you’d want to do additional due diligence,” he said.

“The bank would need to look at the source of those funds, any additional funds, and make sufficient inquiries to satisfy themselves that they’re not illegal payments,” he said.

Such questions are more urgent given Sogavare’s past admission that he received a loan guarantee from Taiwan. While he was previously a staunch advocate of the self-governing island’s interests, he dramatically reversed course in his latest term by switching Solomon Islands’ diplomatic recognition from Taiwan to China and signing a secretive security deal with Beijing.

The move has rattled the West and spurred an uptick in Chinese investment in Solomon Islands. China’s government also makes controversial payments known as “constituency development funds” to both Sogavare and his allies in parliament. The 2021 riots that damaged the couple’s Lungga property was driven in part by public anger over Sogavare’s switch in allegiance from Taiwan to China.

Graffiti on a building being reconstructed following the 2021 Honiara riots.[[Photo credit: Dan McGarry]]
Graffiti on a building being reconstructed following the 2021 Honiara riots. [[Photo credit: Dan McGarry]]

Anti-corruption experts say that both Sogavare and BRED Bank should be transparent about how the loans were secured.

“Based on what you’ve outlined by way of the valuations, and his earning capacity, it appears he’s got a large loan and undertaken an expensive construction project that’s beyond his means,” forensic accountant Fehon said.

BRED Bank declined to comment.

“We are not allowed to comment on confidential information regarding our clients,” bank spokeswoman Leila Salimi said.

Making Up the Difference

While questions remain about the Sogavares’ ability to repay the mortgages, property valuers say the loans would not even have been enough to cover the ambitious construction spree the couple would soon embark on.

If estimates from local land valuers on the cost of construction are correct, the roughly SBD 7 million from BRED would cover only half, or even less, of the total construction costs.

[[Photo credit: Edin Pašović/OCCRP]]

Reporters were unable to find any indication on public land documents showing fresh loans to help cover the construction of the three recently constructed Lungga homes, which according to valuers’ estimates, likely cost a total of SBD 4 million to SBD 8 million (about $470,000 to $940,000) to build.

However, part of the cost appears to have been covered by an insurance payout of SBD 2 million (around $235,000), according to three sources with knowledge of the matter.

And even though the Sogavares may have lacked the initial funds to pay for their construction and loans, that would no longer be the case. With the homes complete, they can now bring in a handsome rental income that far outstrips the prime minister’s official salary.

Neighbors and real estate agents told reporters that at least some of the couple’s new homes in Lungga and Henderson are currently being rented out. Reporters were unable to learn how much these tenants are paying, but financial records from the previous rentals of two houses owned by the Sogavares, as well as estimates from local real estate agents, suggest that the couple could be earning well over SBD 100,000 ($11,800) a month in rent.

Prominent Fiji-based businessman Zhao Fugang is a trusted advocate for China’s interests in the Pacific. But Australian law enforcement and intelligence agencies suspect he plays another part: as a senior organized crime leader. Fugang has not been charged with any crime.

KEY POINTS:

  • Since mid-2023, Australian law enforcement and intelligence agencies have secretly designated Zhao Fugang a top international organized crime figure.
  • Zhao is alleged to be a senior member of a syndicate involved in drug smuggling, money laundering, and human trafficking. There is no record of Zhao ever being charged in Australia or elsewhere. Authorities have not publicized any evidence against him and he denies any wrongdoing.
  • Australian law enforcement officials have shared intelligence on Zhao with Fiji in an effort to get local authorities to move against him.

From his perch at the hilltop Yue Lai Hotel, China-born entrepreneur Zhao Fugang enjoys a panoramic view of Fiji’s seaside capital, Suva.

But Zhao’s hotel is not just the headquarters of his local business empire, which has stretched from tourism to property development. It’s also the base for the businessman’s parallel job: promoting China’s influence in the Pacific country.

The imposing red-and-black hotel is a favored venue for the local Chinese embassy’s official functions, where Zhao has rubbed shoulders with senior Fijian officials. It’s also home to an official “service center” for Chinese citizens, which has played a public role in fostering security ties between China and Fiji.

Zhao Fugang’s Yue Lai Hotel, located in Suva, the capital of Fiji. [[Photo credit: OCCRP]]

The businessman’s role is typical of Beijing’s steady efforts to build its footprint in the Pacific Islands. The ruling Chinese Communist Party often uses prominent members of the overseas diaspora as proxies to push Chinese interests, under a strategy it calls the “United Front.”

As Western countries fret over China’s rising influence in the strategically important Pacific islands, Australia — a key U.S. ally — has set its sights on Zhao, a joint investigation by OCCRP and Australia’s Nine media outlets have found.

In secret, Australian law enforcement and intelligence agencies believe that Zhao is not merely a businessman or political operative. They suspect he is also a senior organized crime figure — and they’re pushing Fiji to move against him.

Reporters pieced together an understanding of Australia’s targeting of Zhao by reviewing documents circulated among law enforcement agencies and conducting interviews with Australian, U.S., and Fijian security officials.

Australia’s top criminal intelligence body, the Australian Criminal Intelligence Commission, went to the extraordinary step of adding Zhao to its registry of Australian Priority Organization Targets in mid-2023, reporters have learned. The list of priority targets is secret, and includes about a dozen top suspected criminals, typically based abroad, who are deemed to be “the most significant threats facing Australia.”

Zhao’s designation is the first time a known political operative has been added to the list, and is an acknowledgement that China is believed to be using organized criminal networks as proxies to push its interests in the Pacific, said John Coyne, a senior analyst at the Australian Strategic Policy Institute.

“This is the beginning of a journey to really look inside to identify… what else is happening across the Pacific in terms of this interference, how else are we seeing that sort of merging or graying the line between organized crime figures and also people who are working for the Chinese government,” Coyne said.

Reporters found that Australian law enforcement has since at least 2021 suspected that Zhao is a senior member of a transnational syndicate that has been active in the region for decades and “likely has good access to corrupt officials,” according to one document.

The syndicate is allegedly involved in crimes including human trafficking, money laundering, and the large-scale flow of drugs to Australia. Its senior members had a “demonstrated ability to coordinate their operations in the region,” the document says.

Zhao has never been charged in Australia with any crime, nor have authorities made their suspicions public.

Inclusion on the list is based on intelligence and is not proof of wrongdoing. The list is circulated among Australia’s main law enforcement agencies as part of a strategy to use the full force of the government to take apart the most complex and tough transnational criminal networks.

Fiji’s Home Affairs and Immigration Minister, Pio Tikoduadua, confirmed that Australian authorities had shared intelligence with him that raised “serious” concerns about Zhao.

Tikouadua said in an interview that Fijian law enforcement may “act on something that has been raised with us by foreign intelligence,” but added that the allegation “must have some basis in fact and in law for us to be able to respond to it.”

During a brief exchange with a reporter at his hotel, Zhao denied any involvement in criminality. Asked if he worked on behalf of the Chinese government, he gave a one word answer: “Yes.”

Zhao Fugang. [[Photo credit: Nine]]

China’s embassy in Suva declined to answer questions about Zhao, a naturalized Fiji citizen, and said all questions should be directed to local officials.

“The Chinese government attaches great importance to and is fully committed to protecting the safety and lawful rights and interest of overseas Chinese nationals. We always ask overseas Chinese nationals to comply with local laws and regulations, and not to engage in any illegal activities,” the embassy said.

“Your suspicion of the relation between Chinese government and Chinese community in Fiji is entirely groundless.”

Pacific in Play

The intense Australian focus on Zhao comes amid rising Western concerns about China’s ambitions in the Pacific Islands.

China has in recent years managed to establish formal ties with the Solomon Islands, Kiribati, and Nauru, convincing them to abandon diplomatic recognition of Taiwan, a U.S. ally that Beijing considers a “renegade province.”

In 2022, China signed a secret security pact with Solomon Islands, a leaked draft of which appeared to allow Beijing to send security forces to the country “protect the safety of Chinese personnel and major projects.” The announcement of the agreement sparked concern in Washington, D.C., as well as the capitals of Australia and New Zealand.

Those Chinese inroads followed earlier gains in Fiji during the authoritarian rule of former Prime Minister Frank Bainimarama, who came to power in a 2006 coup and was voted out in late 2022. Under Bainimarama, Fiji and China inked a bilateral policing agreement in early 2011, complete with deliveries of equipment and training.

Former Fiji Prime Minister Frank Bainimarama (left) with Cao Gangchuan (right), former Minister of National Defense of the People’s Republic of China, in a meeting in Beijing, China, in 2005. [[Photo credit: Imago/Alamy Stock Photo]]

The pact was “extraordinary in terms of the level of detail,” said Graeme Smith, an expert on China and the Pacific at the Australian National University.

“It’s detailed to the extent there’s even a hotline that you could call in the event of any problem,” he said. “Like, literally 24/7 in Beijing, there would be someone to pick up the phone and say, ‘Here we are. We’re ready to jump on a plane.’”

That’s exactly what Beijing did in 2017, sending an aircraft full of police officers to Fiji to round up scores of suspects in an online fraud operation and bring them back to China. The operation, in which the suspects were marched onto the aircraft by Chinese police and placed in black hoods, was heavily criticized by Fiji’s opposition. After Barinimarama was voted out of power, the new government quickly suspended the policing agreement.

Chinese media reports and press releases show that, from at least 2014, Zhao promoted himself as an “adviser” to Bainimarama. Zhao’s exact relationship with Bainimarama’s government is unclear, but both analysts and former government insiders have said that Zhao made efforts to forge personal relationships with the prime minister and other top officials.

Bainimarama even presided over the opening ceremony for Zhao’s Yue Lai Hotel in 2014. The event is commemorated on a plaque embedded near the hotel’s entrance — which was covered up with a sticker after Bainimarama was voted out of office.

Zhao did not respond to written questions. When approached by a reporter for Nine at his hotel, Zhao said he had simply been acquainted with Bainimarama because the former premier had dined at the hotel restaurant.

“Everyone knows Frank,” said Zhao, referring to the former prime minister by his first name before snapping a photograph of the reporter.

Bainimarama did not respond to a request for comment.

China’s “Front Man” in Fiji

Zhao’s role as a representative of Beijing is spelled out in detail in Chinese media reports and official documents.

Since at least the mid-2010s, Zhao has held a series of senior positions at organizations controlled by the United Front Work Department, an office of the Chinese Communist Party that, among other things, coordinates efforts to use China’s diaspora abroad to influence local elites and push Beijing’s interests.

Zhao has held leading positions in United Front groups, including an organization for the northern Chinese diaspora in Fiji, according to Chinese state media. He has also headed a Fiji-based organization of diaspora Chinese advocating for the “reunification” of Taiwan with China.

At one point, Zhao served on the council of an Australia-Pacific Taiwan reunification body headed by Huang Xiangmo, a Chinese billionaire and Australian political donor. Huang had his Australian permanent residency canceled and was barred re-entry to the country in 2019 after the domestic intelligence agency alleged that he was interfering in Australian politics on Beijing’s behalf. Huang has denied the allegations of foreign interference.

Chinese-language media reports show that Zhao has made trips back to China to meet with United Front officials, and in 2017 and 2019 attended the organization’s flagship annual assembly.

Meanwhile, in Fiji, Zhao set about building high-level ties.

“He’s really in many ways the front man for the Chinese state in Fiji,” said Smith, of the Australian National University. “There’s no other serious player in town.”

With Zhao’s help, China “got in very, very deep and very, very close” to Bainimarama’s government, he said.

‘Not a Friend’

Zhao appears to have played a key role in promoting China’s security interests in Fiji.

In 2016, company registry documents and media reports show that Zhao set up at his hotel an official Overseas Chinese Service Center. Beijing has denied claims from Western governments and researchers that these centers are part of a global network of offices that have, in some cases, been used to monitor Chinese citizens abroad. China says the purpose of the offices is to help Chinese citizens carry out banal tasks like renewing official documents.

As head of the center, Zhao attended and played host to several high-level meetings on security cooperation, according to reports in Chinese-language media. Senior Fijian police officers attended these meetings, as well as local Chinese business leaders and embassy officials.

At first glance, it may seem strange that a person trusted by China’s government to support its law enforcement efforts in Fiji is suspected by Australia of being involved in serious organized crime.

But experts say that China has a track record in using “patriotic” organized crime figures as proxies abroad, particularly when part of the job is to influence local elites.

“You need fixers. You need people who know people. And often criminals have a really good Rolodex,” ANU’s Smith said.

“If you can find people that are successful businesspeople and involved in criminal activities, then they’re often your most effective vectors in-country, because they know people and they’re willing to do the stuff that the state doesn’t want to do.”

Previous OCCRP reporting has revealed how the Chinese government has relied on dubious businesspeople –– including a notorious triad leader nicknamed ‘Broken Tooth’ –– to advance its interests elsewhere in the Pacific.

Australia’s suspicions about Zhao’s alleged criminal connections also come amid mounting concern over a rise in drug trafficking through Fiji, which sits between Latin America and deep-pocketed buyers in Australia and New Zealand.

Zhao Fugang (right) stands with Fiji Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka (second from left) during an event with the Chinese Embassy at his Yue Lai Hotel in 2023 to celebrate the Chinese New Year. [[Photo credit: Embassy of the People’s Republic of China in The Republic of Fiji]]

OCCRP reported last year on how neglect by senior leaders in Fiji’s previous government led to an explosion of methamphetamine and cocaine smuggling through the country. Fiji Police seized a record 4.8 tons of meth in January — a haul worth hundreds of millions of dollars that would be enough to supply all of Australia for nearly six months. OCCRP and partners are not alleging that Zhao is involved in the recent seizures.

Fijian Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka said in an interview that he was unaware of Australian claims that Zhao is involved in organized crime.

Rabuka’s government announced in mid-March that it was restarting the policing agreement that it had suspended last year. But the prime minister nonetheless said he had concerns that China’s government may have links to organized crime groups active in Fiji. 

“I do not want to… open the door to someone that could turn out to be not a friend,” said Rabuka.

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